Introduction
Socio-economic changes taking place in
India in the epoch of globalisation have strong spatial implications. Studies
on internal migration have indicated a decline in population mobility up to
1990’s (Kundu, 1996, Singh, 1998, Srivastava, 1998, Bhagat, 2009). Conversely,
the post reform period confirms an increase in internal population movement.
The latest NSS figure (2007/08) shows internal migration in India has increased
to 29 percent from 25percent in 1993.
Description
of Migration Trends
The migration statistics up to the
early 1990s (from Census) shows a near stagnancy. Estimates from NSS also show
a marginal decline in population mobility between 1987-88 & 1993 for
overall population. This decline is attributed to the process of economic
liberalisation which implies the greater movement of capital and natural
resources and growing immobility of population as stated by some authors (Kundu
and Gupta, 1996). Nonetheless, a steady increase in internal migration has been
witnessed in the post reform era from 24.8 percent in 1993 to 28.5 percent in
2007/08.
Although overall migration trend is
increasing, a significant discrepancy in migration pattern is noticed across
gender. There occurs a continuous increase in female migration since 1983 where
as a decline in male migration trend except between 1993 & 1999/00 is
noticed and it is more pronounced in rural area. It is seen that male migration
is declining in rural area from 7.2 percent in 1983 to 5.42 percent with
marginal increase in the period 1987 and 1999/00. Like rural the decline in
urban male migration is noticed up to early 1990’s, however it has marginally
gone up between 1999/00 & 2007/08.
It has been also noticed that compared
to urban, male migration is quite low in rural area where as there is no such
significant discrepancy noticed among females. Although preponderance of female in migration
process is largely attributed to marriage, the emerging studies show that the
pattern of female migration changing from marriage to other reasons especially
economic ones. Therefore, to explore the reasons for current trends in
migration, it is crucial to have a look at the other dimensions of migration
followed by distance wise migration.
Recently in urban area male migration is
higher in inter-district (39.31 percent) followed by inter-state (31.9
percent). Likewise, for female inter-district (42.51 percent) followed by
intra-district migration (38.32 percent) dominate the migration flow. The
relative increase in inter-state migration is an indication that migration
trend is moving towards economic reasons (Singh, 2009). Motivated by better employment
opportunities as well as to pursue higher education people migrate to urban centers
of developed states.
In some parts of India, three out of
four households include a migrant. However despite the large scale of migration
in absolute numbers of people involved and India’s long history of population
and labour mobility, labour migration has rarely been reliably studied. Labour
migration is complex. Streams differ in duration, origin, destination and
migrant characteristics. Economic and social impacts on migrants and their families
are variable. Migration often involves longer working hours, poor living and
working conditions, social isolation and poor access to basic amenities.
At destination, migrant labour affects
markets, lowering the cost of labour. Migration also affects the labour market
at the place of origin. Migrant earnings affect income, expenditure patterns
and investment and changes relations at household and community levels. While
there seems to be some positive impact on incomes and investment, the major
function of migration is to act as a ‘safety valve’ in poor areas. The impact
on asset and income inequality is more mixed.
Internal mobility is critical to the livelihoods of
many people, especially tribal people, socially deprived groups and people from
resource-poor areas. However, because of lack of data, migration is largely
invisible and ignored by policy makers.
Since independence, two distinct streams of
migration have left India: people with professional expertise or technical
qualifications emigrating to industrialised countries, and semi-skilled and
skilled workers emigrating to the Middle East. Data on these labour flows are
limited, but estimates and trends can be discerned.
Migration to industrialised countries grew steadily
between 1950 and 2000. Nearly 1.25 million Indians emigrated to the US, Canada,
UK and Australia during this period. Average annual flows to these destinations
increased nearly five-fold between the 1950s and the 1990s.
Migration to the Middle East increased rapidly
between the late1970s and early 1980s. In the mid-to late 1980s, however, the
number of Indian workers migrating to the Middle East fell sharply. Labour
migration increased substantially again during the 1990s. Today, some 3 million
Indian migrants live in Gulf countries.
Most migrants come from Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra
Pradesh and Punjab. The current number of Indian migrants overseas accounts for
less than 1% of the total workforce in India, so has little direct impact on
the national labour market. However, the effects of migration are significant
in major sending regions. In Kerala, for example, emigration has recently led to
a considerable reduction in unemployment. Remittances are the main benefit of
external migration, providing scarce foreign exchange and scope for higher
levels of savings and investments.
Remittances over the past 30 years have financed
much of India’s balance of trade deficit and have thus
reduced the current account deficit. Remittances
have had a considerable impact on regional economies. The most striking case is
that of Kerala, where remittances made up 21% of state income in the 1990s.
This flow appears to have increased wealth: although the average per capita
consumption in Kerala was below the national average until 1978–79, by
1999–2000 consumer expenditure in Kerala exceeded the national average by
around 41%.
International migration has also had considerable
impacts on demographic structures, expenditure patterns, social structures and
poverty levels. Impacts include reducing population growth; enhancing the
dependency burden within households; increasing consumption expenditures and
reducing poverty levels.
External migration flows are regulated by the
government. The main instrument of regulation is the Emigration Act 1983 which
deals with the departure of Indian workers for overseas contractual employment
and seeks to safeguard their interests. However efforts to direct manpower
export have been minimal.
In the past few decades new patterns have emerged,
challenging old paradigms. First, there have been shifts of the workforce
towards the tertiary sector in both developed and developing countries.
Secondly, in developed countries, urban congestion and the growth of
communication infrastructure has slowed down urbanisation. Thirdly, in
developing countries, the workforce shift towards the secondary/tertiary sector
has been slow and has been dominated by an expansion of the ‘informal ’ sector,
which has grown over time. In countries like India, permanent shifts of
population and workforce co-exist with the ‘circulatory’ movement of
populations between lagging and developed regions and between rural and urban
areas, mostly being absorbed in the unorganised sector of the economy. Such
movements show little sign of abating with development.
The sources of early migration flows were primarily
agro-ecological, related to population expansion to new settlements or to
conquests (e.g. Eaton, 1984). There is considerable information on patterns of migration
during the British period. Indian emigration abroad was one consequence of the
abolition of slavery and the demand for replacement labour. This was normally
through indenture, a form of contract labour whereby a person would bind
himself for a specified period of service, usually four to seven years in
return for payment of their passage. They left for British, Dutch and French
colonies to work in sugar plantations and subsequently for the tea and rubber
plantations of Southeast Asia.
In 2001, India ’s population exceeded 1 billion. At
that time, 67.2% lived in rural areas and 32.8% in towns and cities. Between
1951 and 2001, the proportion of the population living in urban areas rose from
17.3% to 32.8%. Of the total workforce, 73.3% remained in rural areas,
declining marginally from 77.7% in 1991 and 79.3% in 1981; 58% remained
dependent upon agriculture.
In a country of India ’s size, the existence of
significant regional disparities should not come as a surprise. The scale and
growth of these disparities is, however, of concern. The ratio between the
highest to lowest state per capita incomes, represented by Punjab and Bihar in
the first period, and Maharashtra and Bihar in the second period, has increased
from 2.6 in 1980–83 to 3.5 in 1997–00.
International
migration from independent India: Movement of people across national
boundaries in South Asia is long standing. Trade, political and religious links
have necessitated regular contacts with southeast, eastern and central Asia,
and Africa. However, with the advent of colonial rule, international migratory
movement entered a new phase. The imperial needs for labour required
substantial migration of labour from India to the plantation colonies in
the West Indies, Ceylon, Southeast Asia, Mauritius, Fiji and South Africa. The bulk of these migrants went
as indentured labourers. Kingsley Davis estimates that about 30 million Indians
emigrated between 1834 and 1947 (Davis, 1951). This scale of movement was as
large as the European migration to the Americas in the 19th century.
It declined with the ending of indenture in 1921. However, a significant free
migration did continue between India and Ceylon, Africa and southeast Asia.
Most of this migration was of unskilled labour.
It is evident that the annual inflow of Indian
immigrants in the USA and Canada increased in the 1990s. The average annual
inflow of Indian immigrants to the USA increased from 26,184 persons during the
1980s to 38,330 (3.5% of total immigrants) during the 1990s (4.5 per cent of
its total immigrants). In the
case of Canada, the average annual inflow of Indian
immigrants increased from 7,930 during the 1980s (6% of its total immigrants) to
13,770 during the 1990s (7% of total immigrants). Another striking feature of
migration flows from India to the industrialised nations during the 1990s is the
growing importance of newer destination countries. This period witnessed
significant flow of Indian professionals, especially IT professionals, to
countries such as Australia, Germany, Japan, and Malaysia. For instance, nearly
40,000 Indians migrated to Australia, accounting for 4.1% of total immigrants.
Migration from India to industrialised counties,
though modest in scale, grew steadily between 1950 and 2000. Nearly 1.25
million Indians have migrated to the principal destinations. The flow was
especially impressive during the 1990s, a period that incidentally witnessed
tightening of immigration policies in many industrialised countries. The
average inflows of Indian immigrants to these principal destinations have in
fact increased from around 10,300 persons per annum in the 1950s to around
60,000 persons per annum during the 1990s. The growth during the 1990s is
especially striking as it took place in a period when immigration laws were
made more restrictive in many industrialised countries.
Migration to
the Middle East: magnitude and composition: The oil price increases of 1973
–74 and 1979 led to enormous growth in the demand for foreign labour in the oil
exporting countries of the Gulf. In response, labourers from India began to
migrate in large numbers and the flow still continues. The scale of labour
movements into the Gulf was intimately linked to the escalation in oil
revenues, the unprecedented rate of investment in domestic industry and
infrastructure of the oil states, and the shortage of domestic labour.
Overall the number of migrant workers in these
countries rose from 800,000 in 1972 to 1.71 million in 1975 and further
increased to an estimated 2.82 millions by 1980. Foreign workers ’ share in the
total employment in the six Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) member countries
(Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE))
rose from 50.5% in 1975 to 70% by 1980 – 49% in Oman, 59% in Bahrain, 78% in
Kuwait, 89% in Qatar and the UAE.
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